Situation Report — Special Edition
The Ceasefire Is Dead -- What's Next
For nearly two weeks, many observers treated the Iran War as though it had entered a postwar phase.
That assumption collapsed over the past forty-eight hours.
Iran attacked commercial shipping near the Strait of Hormuz. The United States responded with one of its largest strike packages since the war began. Iran retaliated against U.S. military facilities in the Gulf. President Trump declared the ceasefire and Memorandum of Understanding “dead.” Tehran vowed further retaliation.
The war has entered a new phase.
Below is what happened, why it matters, and what to watch next.
What Happened
Over the past three days, the United States and Iran moved from an uneasy ceasefire back to open military confrontation. The escalation unfolded in four stages.
Day One: Monday, July 6 — The Funeral
The immediate backdrop was the state funeral for Iran’s former Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, killed during the opening phase of the U.S.-Israeli war in February.
More than 10 million mourners filled Tehran and the holy city of Qom in one of the largest public demonstrations in history. Crowds chanted “Death to America” and “Death to Israel” while vowing revenge against President Trump.
The funeral projected two messages: national unity at home and defiance abroad.
Day Two: Monday Night–Tuesday — Iran Attacks Hormuz
Between Monday night and Tuesday, Iranian forces struck three commercial vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz: the Saudi crude tanker M/T Wedyan, the Qatari LNG carrier M/T Al Rekayyat, and the Liberian-flagged M/T Cyprus Prosperity.
Oil prices immediately rose, Washington revoked a 60-day sanctions waiver on Iranian oil exports, and Tehran demonstrated it still possesses leverage over the world’s most important energy corridor.
Day Two, late: Tuesday Night — Massive U.S. Retaliation
U.S. Central Command answered with one of its largest strike packages of the war.
Precision strikes hit more than 80 military targets across southern Iran, including air defenses, coastal radar, command-and-control facilities, missile infrastructure, IRGC naval assets, and some targets in civilian areas. More than 60 IRGC fast attack boats operating around Hormuz were destroyed.
Day Three: Wednesday — Iran Responds, Trump Ends Diplomacy
Within hours, Iran launched missiles and drones against U.S. military facilities in Bahrain and Kuwait, triggering air-defense alerts across both countries.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf declared that “the era of bullying and extortion is over,” while Iran’s Foreign Ministry vowed to take “any measures deemed necessary” to defend national security.
Hours later, speaking at the NATO Summit in Ankara, President Trump declared, “The MOU is dead. I think it’s over,” dismissed further negotiations as “a waste of time,” called Iran’s leaders “liars” and “scum,” and made clear that U.S. policy had shifted back toward military coercion.
By Wednesday morning, both governments had publicly abandoned the diplomatic framework that had paused large-scale fighting only days earlier.
Why It Matters
The biggest mistake is to view this week’s events as the collapse of a ceasefire.
The ceasefire was never the real issue.
The real issue has always been the balance of power that emerged after the first phase of the war.
Iran survived. It retained the ability to threaten shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. The United States destroyed important military assets but did not eliminate Iran’s capacity to impose costs. Israel remains dissatisfied because the Iranian regime survived and Tehran still possesses a pathway back toward a nuclear weapons capability.
In other words, none of the three principal actors achieved the political outcome they originally sought.
That is why all three continue using force.
This week’s escalation fits that logic almost perfectly.
But one important feature of the strategic landscape has changed.
By declaring the memorandum “dead” and publicly abandoning negotiations, President Trump has tied his own political credibility more directly to the military outcome of the conflict. If the war drags on while oil markets remain under pressure and global energy prices continue rising, the political costs at home will increase rather than diminish.
That creates a powerful incentive for Trump to seek a visible military success.
The most obvious candidates are Iran’s strategic positions around the Strait of Hormuz—including Qeshm Island and the Kharg Island oil export complex—not because capturing them would end the war, but because they would provide a concrete demonstration that the United States had regained the strategic initiative.
That is precisely why the danger is increasing.
Escalation is no longer being driven solely by Iranian incentives. Washington now has growing political incentives of its own to change the military balance rather than simply manage it.
Once both sides conclude that the existing balance of power is politically unacceptable, the pressure for larger military operations grows rapidly—even when neither side possesses a clear path to decisive victory.
That is how escalation traps become wars that neither side originally intended to fight.
What to Watch Next
The biggest mistake over the coming week will be watching explosions instead of military preparations. These announce the next phase in advance.
Watch four indicators closely.
First: additional U.S. force deployments CLOSER to the Gulf itself. Last week, the Pentagon quietly announced that Marine Expeditionary forces from California were “nearing” the Gulf. Most observers ignored the news because they assumed the war was winding down. They should now watch for additional Marines, Army logistics units, air-defense systems, engineering units, and amphibious shipping. Movements from forces now in the Indian Ocean towards the Gulf are especially important.
Second: expansion of U.S. airpower, especially to Turkey. Watch for additional aerial refueling tankers, surveillance aircraft, and strike aircraft moving into Jordan, Qatar, the UAE, Diego Garcia, or other regional bases. Given Trump’s surprise support of F-35s for Turkey, this country may now become more important to US war planning. Don’t wait for announcements – follow the deployments.
Third: Iran’s target selection, especially across from Qeshm Island and in Red Sea. Thus far, Tehran has largely concentrated on U.S. facilities in Bahrain and Kuwait while continuing pressure on ships near Hormuz. The critical indicator is whether Iran expands beyond those targets— especially to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which would be critical to any effort by US to seize Qeshm Island, and any moves to threaten the Red Sea, either directly or via the Houthis. These would signal a deliberate decision to widen the war to offset expected US escalation in the coming weeks.
Fourth: signs the United States is preparing to seize terrain rather than simply conduct airstrikes. Watch for increased discussion of US Congressional discretion for another 60 days of major US military operations to “secure shipping lanes” or “prevent Iranian nuclear weapons” and explicit discussion of “clearing” operations around Qeshm Island and Kharg Island. Capturing either would not end the war. It would, however, provide the kind of visible strategic success that political leaders often seek when air campaigns alone fail to produce decisive results.
The coming week will not be defined by who fires the next missile.
It will be defined by which side begins preparing for the next stage of the war.


Excellent analysis as always Professor Pape. Quick question, won't the US seizing either Qeshm Island and Kharg Island be a disaster? My understanding is that the US seizing Kharg Island specifically would be a costly endeavor with many US military casualties.
We've raised the issue of Turkey before and Prof. Pape's perspective was that Israeli aspirations towards conquering Turkey are not serious. Now the new messaging out of the Israeli regime is making the case for invading Turkey. What has changed, if anything?